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Joe Heller l Green Bay Press Gazette


– Six months after winning re-election, Barack Obama finds himself in some kind of trouble – battered by semi-scandals and bombarded by foreign policy challenges he can’t possibly manage.

Long gone are the hopes and aspirations when his supporters hoped – and his detractors feared – that he would become a truly transformational president.

Ask me to sum up Obama’s presidency in mid-2013, and here’s what I’d say: He has been a historic but flawed president who managed to end America’s two longest wars and helped the country avoid economic collapse during some pretty scary times. Consequential, yes. Great, no.

Obama could yet recover from this bad patch. And judgments of a president’s legacy can also change significantly over time – though that hasn’t been the case for most of Obama’s 43 predecessors.

We’ve long expected far too much when it comes to presidential performance. And we won’t give up the search for The One – that brave, virtuous leader of uncommon principle and political know-how – easily. You want another great president, pray for another great crisis. Only nation-encumbering calamity tames our political system, making elites and the public receptive to allowing a president to lead America the Unruly.

Within a year or two, the presidency addiction machine will start cranking out a new set of tropes and images geared to persuade us to anoint another putative leader to rescue us. And guess what? Chances are that he – or maybe she this time – will probably disappoint too.

What’s in our political DNA that sets us up this way? Why can’t we have sensible and realistic expectations for our presidents? Here are five reasons our presidents almost always disappoint us.

1. The presidency itself

The challenges that confront presidents far exceed the powers at their disposal. The Founding Fathers didn’t want a weak presidency, but they were determined to find a balance between putting too much power in the hands of an ambitious and popular ruler who might undermine their new republic or giving the presidency too little power, which might produce the same result.

To find that balance, the founders created a political system characterized by checks, balances, and powers that were not only separated by shared. The president has great power: He can act unilaterally through executive orders, use the bully pulpit to move the public, and amass great power, particularly in times of emergency, to take the country to war without congressional OK. But he can’t shelter America from downturns in a globalized economy, manufacture good jobs, win foreign wars decisively or plug an oil leak in the Gulf of Mexico.

Look at the recent gun control saga. The Newtown tragedy couldn’t overcome the determined efforts of a well-organized lobby, not even with broad public support. Sure, presidential leadership counts – but on-the-ground realities, both foreign and domestic, count more.

2. Our unrealistic expectations

The gap between expectations and reality has been around since politicians first started giving speeches. And that’s because politics is about what folks are promised – governance is about what they get.

As the role of government has grown larger in our lives, that gap has only gotten bigger. Even as we worry about too much government and resent its reach, we continue to want the perks it provides.

At the nexus of the divide between what we expect and what we can or cannot have sits the president – the face of America, the only guy we all vote for, and the one who we expect to save us.

We have a presidency addiction. No single aspect of our government draws more interest and fascination. We put presidents on our currency and monuments, not senators or Supreme Court justices.

Because of this, we naturally assume that the presidency is where the power is. But it just isn’t so. Obama has been hammered by friends and foes alike because he hasn’t shown leadership – because he has refused to take the fight to the nation or schmooze with Congress, LBJ style. But as Norman Ornstein pointed out in a recent article for the National Journal, Johnson was only able to milk the 89th Congress for historic pieces of Great Society legislation because he had the votes. In 1966, after the disastrous midterms, his charm and knowledge of Congress “didn’t mean squat.”

The president’s power, as Richard Neustadt famously argued, is the power to persuade. But circumstances for that persuasion must be present – and most of the time, they’re not.

3. The presidency is too up close and personal

To be disappointed in someone, you first must have expectations for them. We may all pretend to be cynical realists when it comes to our presidents, but don’t believe it.

The very nature of our politics and media forces us to be interested in what goes on in the Oval Office.

The Founders didn’t want such a personalized presidency, but by making the American people the prime source of authority for the office, they created an unbreakable bond. The presidency is the only national office that we all help to shape – along with its much-maligned derivative, the veep. In fact, we own both.

Despite the framers’ elitist hedge – the Electoral College – the popular bond between the presidency and the American public was pretty strong from the beginning. Even the wooden George Washington took tours of both the south and the north in a fancy carriage with his family’s seal on top. And folks everywhere turned out.

The personalization of the presidency has only intensified since Washington’s day. Direct primaries, the permanent campaign, and the 24-hour news cycle have all created an oversized image of the president. This has both magnified the compelling character of the presidency but trivialized the office too.

Through its incessant coverage, the show can also deaden the president’s impact. There is a constant risk of media oversaturation stripping away the mystique required for leadership. The media guarantee a steady stream of TMI, and presidents are sometimes all too willing to play along.

4. The job’s just too big

The days of the continental presidency are over. Obama’s presidency would be unrecognizable to great presidents of past eras: Lincoln had a couple secretaries, FDR had a half dozen aides, and Truman had a dozen. Today, there may be more than 100 people who have the title of assistant to the president.

In a fascinating piece several years ago in Vanity Fair, Todd Purdum captured the sheer absurdity of what it’s like to be president. On the single Wednesday Purdum covered, Obama was dealing with a West Virginia coal mine tragedy; a vacancy on the Supreme Court; an Arizona law empowering police to identify potential illegal aliens; a shortage of funds for FEMA; the nominations of a federal appeals court judge, seven U.S. attorneys, and six federal marshals; and a special award for country singer Garth Brooks.

And that was a quiet day. The relentlessness of the job, the 24/7 pace of the media, the complexity of the tasks at hand, and the sheer number of moving parts creates a situation no single individual can manage. Add to this a polarized Congress and an integrated world that America can’t control, it’s no wonder the presidency is an impossible, perhaps implausible, job.

The current headaches Obama confronts at the State Department (Benghazi), at Treasury (IRS targeting conservative groups), at Justice (the seizure of Associated Press phone records) and Defense (sexual harassment) may well represent a bad combination of mismanagement and bad luck. But they also reflect the reality that Obama, to paraphrase Ralph Waldo Emerson, is not a master of all he surveys. The presidency is just too big and complicated for that.

5. Our elusive search for heroes

Americans want leaders they can relate to – that’s why anecdotes such as Thomas Jefferson answering the White House door, Grover Cleveland answering his own phone, or Harry Truman driving up east after leaving office with only Bess have achieved such prominent place in American lore. It’s a nice tale, and we do like our leaders on the common side. But we also crave the heroic. It’s no easy mix for a president to be both.

We really are in a bind. On the one hand, we’re living in a president-centric system. On the other hand, the president’s capacity to deliver has diminished – as has our own faith in America’s institutions.

What to do? Just get over it. Lower expectations. Don’t give up the search for quality leaders, but be honest about what a president can and cannot do. Don’t wait around to be rescued by The One – that’s not the American way. Maybe by controlling our presidential fantasies, we can stop expecting our presidents to be great and allow them to start being good.

Aaron David Miller is a scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. He served for two decades as an adviser to Republican and Democratic secretaries of state on Arab-Israeli negotiations. He wrote this for Foreign Policy.